The CNT today is not a monolithic organisation. On the contrary an intense debate is going on which is leading up to a new CNT Congress, to be held in October. Besides the problems of relationships between very different generations of militants (those from the pre-war CNT, and the majority of the new CNT (90% of whom are under 30), there are problems of relationships between exiles and the CNT in Spain itself.

Since the legalisation of the CNT, there have been bitter polemics over the political adherence of CNT members; over the trade union elections; over collective contracts, and specific tendencies have arisen with different perspectives on working in the CNT.

Double membership?

Could members of political parties and religious groups belong and represent the CNT? The national Plenum of autumn 1977 agreed that such people could hold no responsible positions in the CNT. This decision fell on militants of the Libertarian Communist Movement (MCL); the syndicalists and traditionalists rejected the MCL as 'Marxists', although it was not applied against the renascent Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI).

Union elections - unions and assemblies

At the same Plenum in 1977, the decision was taken to boycott the approaching union elections. The big unions altogether represented only 20% of the workers, and the CNT decided to reinforce the existing assemblies in order to promote working class autonomy. The Valencian regional committee however followed up this plenum by denouncing this agreement as 'councillist' and 'marxist'. At Fords near Valencia, certain CNT members had been elected by the workers assembly to works committees in the union elections. The Local Federation (50 members) decided to expel the Ford Works Union section (200 members) - for violating the decisions of the plenum (although the Ford unionists were carrying out the wishes of the assembly which wanted representation in the committee). Meanwhile the Valencian CNT maintained its campaign against assemblies...

Since then the 'councilists' have suffered verbal (sometimes physical) attacks and expulsions. A purist syndicalist position emerged arguing that the CNT should take part in union negotiations like the other bigger unions - this position was Iinked to the position that interunion activity was important rather than assembly work. On the other hand some of the assembleists began to advocate that the CNT should become a more 'global' organisation -· fighting in all areas of struggle. These differences can be summed up as:

• On the level of content: global alternative against trade union alternative or in other words - social struggle against economic struggle.
• On the strategic and tactical level: assembleism against syndicalism, or perhaps workers autonomy vs union leadership
• On the organisational level: integral/global organisation vs the syndicalist center

Collective contracts

Since the summer of 1978 a debate on pacts and contracts has gone on. The building union in Barcelona denounced the contracts as an instrument invented by the bourgeoisie to integrate the working class into the system by negotiating social peace for the length of the agreements. They also denounced the divisions imposed by trade and plant destroying any common platform of demands. A second tendency has argued that the time when the contracts are made is one of large scale mobilisation in which workers defend their interests. To refuse to take part in the negotiations is not only to abandon the workers when they most need support, but is also in the short term accepting marginalisation in relation to the workers struggle. A third intermediary tendency has also appeared. They recognise the building syndicate's criticisms and that the pacts run against the basic CNT principle of direct action. But for them the problem today is the existence of the Moncloa pact (a social contract) and the limitations on wage rises that flow therefrom. It is crucial to break these agreements and if the workers fight for higher wage rises then the pacts can become an opportunity to break with capital. Thus contracts become an instrument of rupture.

Apart from the Barcelonan building syndicate no positions have been taken by other unions-. so the debate continues (although in fact they take part in negotiations and mobilisations).

TENDENCIES & ORGANISATION

In order to attempt to catalogue these tendencies it seems useful to look at three different levels of organisation.

In examining the various tendencies that exist within the CNT it is necessary to examine their attitude to three main questions. First, what attitude should one take to the assemblies in the factories? Second, what importance should one place on the CNT itself, what should be its role? Third, to what extent should the CNT allow political tendencies to operate within it and how much importance should one attach to them? In considering the various tendencies and their attitudes to these questions, it should be born in mind that any such analysis is necessarily schematic, and that it would be difficult to pigeon-hole many members of the CNT so neatly.

There are 8 main tendencies:

Pure of revolutionary syndicalists. Press organ: the Valencian Fragua Social, c/o Gabriel Marti, Apartado de Correos 1.337, Valencia. They do not recognise the workers assemblies, denouncing them as 'councillist' and a camouflage for 'Marxist' activity, and are bitterly opposed to political groupings active within the CNT. They place all their faith in the CNT leadership and believe that the CNT by itself can produce the revolution.

The FAI, some non-FAI anarchists, and the 'historical anarchosyndicalists'. Press; Tierra y Libertad, illegal, so no fixed address. They follow roughly the same line in that they oppose 'councillism' and support the CNT leadership. However, they see a role for the FAI in struggles outside the union, in the politics of culture, anti-militarism, ecology, etc.

Critical anarcho-syndicalists and some libertarian communists. Press: Bicicleta, c/o Nave no 12, 20 Valencia 2. They support self-organisation by workers in assemblies and their unity in action at the base. They see the CNT as a class organisation, but don't see it as 'global' organisation as this would entail a centralisation of the libertarian movement of which the CNT is only a part. They are opposed to political groupings within the CNT, as they fear that these would turn into Leninist parties using the union as a 'transmission belt' within the working class.

The anarcho-communist group Askatasuna, some anarchists and libertarian communists. Press: Askatasuna, Apartado de Correos 1.628, Bilbao. They believe in the importance of the assemblies. They believe that the CNT can go beyond a purely union role, can unite all libertarian tendencies and fight in all areas of social struggle. They see scope for political organisations within the CNT, adding to its development of theory.

Other libertarian communists. Press: Palante, Apartado de Correos 42.025, Madrid. Very similar to Askatasuna, but are opposed to political tendencies in the CNT, following the line that they can only lead to Leninism.

Critical and non-orthodox anarchists. No press. Similar ideas to the followers of Askatasuna and Palante, but believe that while tendencies should produce revues and debate theory within CNT, they should not go beyond this and organise.

Finally, there are two groups outside the CNT, but which are sympathetic and take part in debates with Bicicleta and Palente:-

Libertarian and autonomous Marxists. Press: Emancipacion, c/o Guipouzcoa No 11, 1 Oizqda, Madrid 20. They support the assemblies, and they believe that the CNT, the Organisation of Workers Autonomy and a number of other groups should fuse to form one political union organisation, allowing tendencies.

Spontaneist libertarians. They believe only in the importance of the workers assemblies, there is no need to organise at any other level.

Is the CNT in crisis? It is obvious that all the political and union organisations are going through some sort of crisis, in part as a reaction to the euphoria of 1976/7. The CNT's is perhaps more acute and fundamental, revealing greater differences of opinion. Only the CNT has held no congress since the death of Franco. The congress in October will be the first for 43 years.

This article is a translation and adaptation by T.Z. of an article in Tout le Pouvoir Aux Travailleurs, paper of our French sister-organisation, the Union of des Travailleurs Communistes Libertaires.